On June 13, 1944, exactly one week after the Allied landings in Normandy, Britain came under attack from a strange new Nazi weapon, a flying bomb. The English called it the “buzz bomb” or “doodlebug,” among other nicknames, because its pulsejet engine, based on rapid, intermittent combustion, produced a very loud buzzing sound. Known to its Luftwaffe developers as the Fieseler Fi 103, Hitler’s Propaganda Ministry soon relabeled it Vergeltungswaffe 1 (Vengeance Weapon 1), or V-1. Essentially a small unmanned airplane with an autopilot and a cut-off device, it was what we now call a cruise missile–the world’s first operational cruise missile.
The V-1 came in low, between 1,000 and 3,000 ft., and the effect of its one-ton high-explosive warhead was considerable, causing many deaths and injuries. Soon, as many as a couple hundred per day were launched against London, causing anxiety in the Allied leadership and an exodus of over a million Londoners, mostly children and family members. Prime Minister Winston Churchill even advocated retaliating with poison-gas warfare against German cities, but cooler heads prevailed, and World War II did not turn into a chemical war. By late summer, British air defenses were reorganized with increasing effectiveness, resulting in most being shot down or crashing on the way to the target. When the Allied armies broke out of Normandy and overran the Channel coast up to Belgium in late August and early September, they captured the catapults used to launch most of them. The attacks from France stopped. But V-1s air-launched by Heinkel He 111 bombers based in the Netherlands kept coming, if in rather smaller numbers.
In the fall, the Wehrmacht shifted the V-1 offensive primarily against Belgium, which the Allies had liberated. The northwest European offensive had ground to a halt roughly along the Dutch-Belgian border, due in significant part to Allied logistics problems. Clearing the Scheldt estuary and opening the large port of Antwerp became critical. Hitler ordered a refocusing of the V-1, and also the new V-2 ballistic missile, on the Belgian port. Launching areas were built up in far northwest Germany and in the Netherlands. Antwerp came under intensive attack, forcing the Allies to deploy American and British anti-aircraft artillery in large numbers to ring the city in defense against the buzz bomb (nothing could be done against the rocket). Antwerp was also the objective of Hitler’s doomed Ardennes offensive, launched December 16, which the Allies called the Battle of the Bulge. When Western forces broke through the Rhine barrier in late March 1945, the V-weapons offensive ended.
Was the V-1 a “wonder weapon”? Not at all. It caused perhaps 10,000 deaths in Belgium and Britain, no small number, but the British and American air forces had learned how to burn down whole cities, causing tens of thousands of dead in a night or two. An old cliché about the new Nazi weapons was that they came “too late” to change the course of the war. In fact they came too early to be in any way decisive. They were too inaccurate–barely able to hit a huge urban area part of the time—and they lacked the blockbuster warhead needed: a nuclear weapon.
The V-1 had an interesting afterlife in the United States. In a rare American example of outright copying, the Army Air Forces and the Navy decided to mass produce a version for the attack on Japan. By the end of 1944, the first copy, which went by the AAF designation JB-2 (Jet Bomb 2) was launched from Eglin Field in Florida out over the Gulf of Mexico. After World War II suddenly ended in August 1945, mass production was stopped, but the U.S. Navy continued to use its version, called the Loon, to gain experience with firing missiles from ships and submarines. It was a precursor to larger, nuclear-armed cruise missiles like the Regulus the Navy deployed in the 1950s.
On exhibit at the National Air and Space Museum are both German and American versions. Hanging in the downtown Space Race gallery is an original German V-1, about which we know little except that it came from Air Force collections of captured Axis weapons. Displayed at the Udvar-Hazy Center is a U.S. Navy Loon in its original test colors. It stands outside the entrance to the McDonnell Space Hangar, in which the Regulus and other U.S. Cold War cruise missiles can be found.
Michael J. Neufeld is a Senior Curator in the Space History Division, where he curates rockets and missiles to 1945, and Mercury and Gemini spacecraft. He is the author of Von Braun and The Rocket and the Reich, among other works. He recently contributed to, and edited, Milestones of Space: Eleven Iconic Objects from the Smithsonian National Air and Space Museum (2014).
What was it like to witness a Space Shuttle launch or landing?
For the Moving Beyond Earth (MBE) exhibition about the Space Shuttle, the International Space Station, and future human spaceflight, the team wanted to show how shuttle launches and landings became cultural experiences, not just technological events. Thousands of people gathered, often after having traveled great distances to do so. Many took pictures to record their presence at these historic events. What story would those snapshots tell?
We created a Flickr group (bitly/myspaceshuttlememories) and invited people to submit photos of themselves (or others) at Space Shuttle launches and landings. Our goal was to build a slideshow that could be displayed next to an artifact case holding NASA guest pins. A version of the slideshow would also be on our website. We announced the Flickr group in late September 2013—and waited to see what people would post.
At the end of January 2014, we assembled a selection committee consisting of Paul (the MBE gallery manager), Sarah (the Museum’s Manager of Online Engagement) and me (a curator on the exhibit team). Reviewing 315 images submitted by 83 different contributors, we were really pleased to see how enthusiastically people had responded. That was actually our first filter: the self-selected images that people identified in captions as their memories of the Space Shuttle. There were so many great photos that it took the committee two separate meetings to view them all for an initial assessment.
Next, we sorted based on our primary criterion: people! The “My Space Shuttle Memories” Flickr group included many artistic, beautiful images of the orbiters (on the pad or launching) as well as the immense exhaust plumes after launches. But we needed people in the image, not just behind the camera. Some submitters had amazing behind-the-scenes access that most people never got (even us, we’re totally envious!). We wanted the slideshow to illustrate how the general public encountered shuttle launches and landings, so we oohed and ahhed but set those aside. With each image, we asked: can you tell easily that the people were at a shuttle event? (Sometimes waiting for a 4.5 million-pound spacecraft to launch doesn’t look that different that waiting for a concert or anything else.) Would the images “read” well on a small screen? Pretty quickly, categories emerged: people in front of an orbiter on the launch pad, the countdown clock, the telltale plume of smoke, or lawn chairs lined up amongst palm trees. But there were also some less common images: people next to the “days to launch” sign, the traffic clogging the Cape, people greeting the astrovan carrying the astronauts to the launch, professional photographers shooting the launch, and “selfies” with the shuttle.
Having made an initial selection of 63 photos from 315, each of the selecting committee members then individually reviewed those finalists, voting “yes” or “no” on each. Each image needed two or more votes to be selected. We thought that the committee might have to impose limits on how many images any one submitter could have in the final slideshow, but that turned out not to be an issue. We brought 54 images to the whole exhibit committee made final cuts based on their input, and wrote back to the image holders to ask for their final permissions to use the photos. In the end, we had 39 photos for the initial slideshow. It’s a nice group that tells a collective story about many aspects of experiencing a shuttle launch: anticipation, waiting, traffic, and the thrill of liftoff.
We hope you enjoy this collective snapshot of the cultural excitement that the Space Shuttle Program generated. We look forward to updating this slideshow with new images in the future, so if you have photos that tell the human story of shuttle launches and landings, please add them to the Flickr group. You might even hear from the Museum someday that your image is going on exhibit!
Margaret A. Weitekamp is a curator in the Space History Department at the National Air and Space Museum.
Seventy years ago, a formation of United States Army Air Forces Lockheed P-38 Lightning fighters was photographed as it roared over an unidentified foreign field. It’s hard to spot the familiar US insignia of the white star on a blue circle, but the black and white stripes the Lightnings wear stand out easily – which is a very good thing.
In 1944, in the months leading up to the invasion of Nazi occupied France, the Allied planners of Operation OVERLORD realized that on the day of the invasion – D-Day – the skies over the invasion zone would be filled with aircraft: waves of Allied fighters and photo reconnaissance planes, bombers, troop-carrying gliders and their tow planes. They were expected to be met by fierce Luftwaffe opposition. The planners feared friendly fire – anti-aircraft fire from Allied naval vessels and Allied troops – against their own air flotilla, and pilots mistakenly engaging in dogfights against their own comrades in arms. The existing system for identifying friendly aircraft, Identification Friend or Foe (IFF), would in all probability be overwhelmed by the sheer number of aircraft over the beaches.
To avoid fratricidal incidents, the D-Day planners called for paint and brushes, and ordered that the aircraft of the Allied Expeditionary Air Force and supporting units be painted with alternating black and white stripes on wings and fuselage – 18 inches wide on single-engine aircraft, and 24 inches wide for twin-engined craft. They were called invasion stripes. Tests showed that the stripes were easily visible on the ground and in the air – easier to see than the usual national markings that Allied aircraft bore, so a simple order – if it ain’t got stripes, shoot it down – could be given out to Allied gunners and pilots. For fear of the Luftwaffe getting wind of the scheme and confusing the issue by painting their own stripes, the plan was a closely guarded secret.
On the first of June, a small flight bearing the invasion stripes overflew the Allied fleet to familiarize the crews with the markings. The orders to paint the stripes were finally issued – on June 3 for troop carrier units, and on June 4 to the fighter and bomber squadrons. The harried ground crewmen scrambled for paint and brushes while they prepared their aircraft for their missions.
In the early hours of June 6, thousands of aircraft, all bearing invasion stripes, headed for the skies over Normandy. As D-Day unfolded, friendly fire incidents were thankfully few. And, strangely, the Luftwaffe just didn’t show up – only three German aircraft overflew the beaches that day. Two of the pilots, ace Josef “Pips” Priller and his wingman Heinz Wodarczyk, were said to be hungover from some serious partying the night before. The black and white stripes had served their purpose, and by December 1944, air units had been ordered to remove them. But the photographs of the airplanes survive to remind us of one of the most striking symbols of that day 70 years ago. And, in commemoration of D-Day, the Royal Air Force has painted a Eurofighter Typhoon with invasion stripes, so once again the alternating black and white stripes will be seen over European skies.
Allan Janus is a museum specialist in the National Air and Space Museum’s Archives Department.
When we think of D-Day, we tend to envision the waves of landing craft approaching the beaches and Landing Craft Tanks (LCTs) with barrage balloons in tow, or maybe waves of C-47s winging away from their bases in Southern England with their paratroopers. These are powerful visuals and while the soldiers and paratroopers really did do the heavy lifting of liberating France, these images overshadow a remarkable and invisible war that is often forgotten. This “Wizard War” was fought with electrons instead of bullets, but it was no less critical in the Allied victory than the expenditure of ordnance.
While vast arsenals of munitions, men, aircraft, tanks, and planes were assembled in England during the spring of 1944, an equally intensive program was underway to launch an electronic offensive of unparalleled scope and sophistication. Some of these technologies were ready only just in time while others were already in use but new enhancements or capabilities were husbanded in advance of the landings to avoid giving away the Allied advantage.
I’m always a little dismayed to see the exuberance with which some museum visitors regard the German jet and rocket technologies on display at the museum and one often overhears comments to the effect of “if Hitler hadn’t interfered with the Messerschmitt Me 262 production, they could have won the air war.” While it is certainly true that the Germans held a commanding lead in 1944 in jet and rocket production, it is also true that whatever military advantage they offered was vastly overshadowed by many other fields in which the Allies totally overmatched the Germans. This was especially true in regards to the electronic frontier. Here are a few of the remarkable, but overlooked technologies that were essential to the Allied victory in Normandy.
Radar was used by all sides in World War II and was probably best known for facilitating the British victory in the Battle of Britain. However, radar had come a very long way since the first generation Chain Home radar stations countered the offensive bomber formations of the Blitz. The British development of the cavity magnetron in 1940 made microwave radar possible, giving far greater definition and resistance to jamming than anything the Germans had. By D-Day, the combination of the quartz oscillator and the cavity magnetron had yielded an extensive array of ground-based and aircraft equipment that allowed the offensive resources of the Allies to be applied efficiently and effectively. Without them, the German defenses would have been exceptionally difficult to crack. Though the soldiers on Omaha Beach would never think they had it easy (and as discussed below, they were indeed let down by some of this technology), the reality is that Operation Overlord was about far more than simply having enough men and equipment while tricking the Germans into thinking the landing was occurring elsewhere. At its most basic level, Normandy was a giant navigation problem.
Troop transports flying without benefit of radar (they had no room for it) needed to place troops in the right landing zone under cover of darkness. Minesweepers had to clear precise paths through Channel minefields. Bombers had to strike fortifications, bridges and rail yards, even through cloud, and a massive aerial ballet had to occur that simultaneously struck critical targets while not revealing invasion plans. Without the vast electronic armada, the landings would have suffered far greater losses and required an even greater expenditure of lives and resources.
This list of key electronic system designations used on D-Day was collated by Professor J.W.S. Pringle in his survey of the Telecommunications Research Establishment (Britain’s electronic R&D organization), published as “The Work of TRE in the invasion of Europe (IEEE Proceedings, Vol. 132. Pt. A., No. 6, October 1985). It is not even a complete list of the equipment developed or adapted for the invasion, but it gives a sense of the massive electronic forces arrayed against Germany.
Among the remarkable technologies not in the list above was something called Decca. The minesweepers that paved the way for the landing craft at Normandy did not have GPS, but they did have Decca, which had accuracies that were not all that much worse than first generation GPS receivers. Decca was a hyperbolic system started by an American in the late 1930s and developed by the British Decca record company during the first years of World War II. D-Day was its first (and only) operational use in the war. Trials had been conducted in secret in the Irish Sea earlier in the year. You can read more about this fascinating technology here.
For everything that went right on D-Day, there were some areas where the Wizard War went very wrong (see the above caption). The worst occurred with the use of radar to bomb the defenses on Omaha Beach. Concerns over having bombs fall short in to the arriving formations of landing craft shortly before they reached the beach resulted in an order to wait 10-30 seconds in bomb release when only using radar. With complete cloud cover on the morning of the invasion, the bomb delay was in full force and nearly all of the 2,944 tons of bombs missed useful targets by a mile or more. The only positive aspect was that some of the minefields behind the beach defenses were hit instead, but overall this one error alone likely contributed many additional hundreds of casualties, if not more, on Omaha and the British landing beaches.
These errors aside, the overall electronic armada arrayed for Normandy worked well and most ships and aircraft arrived when and where they were needed. The German electronic defenses were also almost wholly nullified, with radar and communications effectively jammed. The Gee hyperbolic navigation receivers that guided so many ships and aircraft during the invasion were vulnerable to jamming, but extra frequencies had been set aside so that jamming would be easily sidestepped. In the event, German jamming did not appear. D-Day was as much an electronic surprise to the German technicians at their stations behind the beach as it was to those soldiers manning the pillboxes on the beach.
Roger Connor is a museum specialist in the Aeronautics Department of the National Air and Space Museum.
On April 24, we passed another milestone in preparations to move the Horten 229 V3 center section from the Paul Garber Facility in Maryland to the Mary Baker Engen Restoration Hangar at the Steven F. Udvar-Hazy Center in Virginia. Collections staff positioned the jet onto a new steel frame that will support and steady the artifact, and provide the solid base for a cover that will encapsulate the artifact during the journey by road.
Collections Processing Unit staff member Anthony Wallace is working with transportation officials in Maryland and Virginia to obtain the permits required to haul the center section of the Horten 229 V3 over major highways around midnight to avoid traffic.
Russ Lee is a curator in the Aeronautics Department of the National Air and Space Museum.